Property.
Public and Private Property.
In a society where men make useful tools - knives, bags, ropes, and
so forth - they may hold these goods in common, or as personal private
property. In the former case, as tools are made, they are put into a
common store for general use by whoever has need of them. In the latter
case, each person possesses for his own use those tools that he needs.
If the manufacture of a tool requires considerable skill and labour,
such that the demand for the tool cannot be met, then it is better for
a society if these tools were held in common ownership. Thus in a village
with several farmers, but only one plough, it is better that the plough be
held in common ownership by the villagers, so that each farmer can take
turns in using it, than that one farmer retain it exclusively for his own
use, and the others use their bare hands to turn the earth.
A well may also be an example of a tool held in common. The construction
of a deep well may require many months of effort before it produces the water
that men drink to sustain their life, or use to wash themselves and their
clothes and houses, or use to boil food, or any of the many other uses of
water. A single well, held in common, could then be used by anyone seeking
to draw water from it.
But if tool-makers are able to easily meet any level of demand
for tools, so that no shortages ever appeared, there would be a strong
incentive to private ownership. For if all tools are held in some common
store, then the use of these tools entails first taking the trouble of
going to this store and taking some number of tools, and, after using
them, taking the trouble to return them. If such tools were instead
held by individuals for their own use, they could be kept at hand, and
the time and trouble of getting them from, and returning them to, a
common store would be saved. Thus, private, personal possession of tools
results in increased social idleness.
Private ownership of tools also has other advantages. Not only can their
owner lay hands on them immediately, without applying to borrow from a
common store, but he is also able to become familiar with a particular
tool, knowing its characteristics, able to see when it requires repair
or replacement. Unless a common store is periodically examined, it is
likely to become filled with worn-out tools, or tools which would be
serviceable if they had been maintained. Private ownership of tools
will usually result in greater care being of tools, to ensure they are
not damaged through misuse, or lost, and that they are kept in good
repair, and replaced when past repair.
In the example of the village in need of ploughs, instead of a single
plough being shared among the farmers, each farmer would own his own plough.
And if wells could be dug without great effort, then each household could
have the convenience of its own private well.
If the scarcity of some useful tool demands that it be held in common,
and a sufficiency of tools allows their private possession, then a glut of
useful tools will return them to common ownership. Air is useful, but
is available in such abundance that nobody wishes to own any.
In a village by a river of sweet water, more than sufficient to meet every
requirement, the river would be held in common ownership. And if
knife-makers could produce knives so rapidly that they could pave the village
street with knives, nobody would bother to own a knife.
The advantage of common ownership is that all persons have access to
commonly-owned tools, but the disadvantage is that these tools must
be applied for from the common store, and returned to the store after use.
The advantage of private ownership is that persons who own their own
tools are saved the trouble of getting them and returning them to the
common store, but the disadvantage is that some people may not own tools.
The same argument applies with other goods. If houses require great
amounts of labour to build, then people will all tend to live together
under one roof, in common. And if, at the same time, clothing is
difficult to make, then people will live together unclothed, taking
clothes from a common store when they need to go out into the cold.
When water can only be obtained from a single well, then this well
will be held in common.
By this general argument, whether goods are held in common or held
privately depends upon their availability. When goods are in short
supply, they will be held in common. When they are in sufficient supply,
they will be held privately. What ultimately determines whether goods
are public or privately held is the social idleness that results
from one or the other habit. Society is more idle when goods in short
supply are held in common because the social inconvenience of common
ownership is outweighed by the labour socially saved by shared use
of tools, and it is more idle when goods are abundant if these goods
are held privately because the convenience of personal ownership
outweighs the labour saved by shared tool usage.
If so, when goods become abundant, public property gives way to
private property. When goods become scarce, private property is
commandeered as public property. And if goods ever exist in
superabundance, they will become public property.
Seen in this light, there exist no absolute property rights.
The private ownership of tools does not arise from some immutable
natural right to ownership, but purely from social convenience.
In some circumstances, a society will be more idle if it holds tools
in common ownership. In others, society will be more idle if such tools
are privately owned.
Personal Property.
When a man manufactures some useful tool - e.g. a knife -, he does
so at some cost to himself. If other men simply take the knives he makes,
and reap their value using them to save time in some activity - e.g.
cutting reeds -, then the manufacturer always loses time, and those
who take the knives always gain time.
In such a circumstance, the manufacturer would be more idle if he
simply stopped making knives, if they were taken from him as soon as
they were made. But once he stopped manufacturing them, the supply
of knives would dry up, and reeds would have to be laboriously cut
using broken knives or found objects. It would require some incentive
for the knife-maker to start making knives again. If the reed cutters
agreed to give him something in return for the knives he made, either
to work for him or give him food or other tools, then when the price
is right both the knife-maker and the knife-users could benefit -
i.e. become more idle -.
Ultimately, in this sort of transaction, it is time, rather than
knives, which are being traded. A useful tool like a knife is something
with a time cost of production, and a time value in use. Nobody wants
a knife for itself, but for the time it will save in some necessary
activity.
Land Property.
In a land paved with knives, it has been argued, no-one would
want to own knives as personal possessions. In the earliest human
history, when human numbers were low, the land was paved with land,
and nobody wanted to personally own it. It was only when parts
of the land began to be put to specific uses - as farms, as
quarries, as mines, towns and roads -, that land began to
become private property.
A toolmaker requires not only the raw materials required to
make a tool, but also some place where he can make it - an area
of land. A farmer requires not only seeds and water, but land on
which to grow plants. In the beginning, anyone who wanted to
start up a workshop or a farm simply found a bit of suitable land,
and started work. But as the numbers of farms, barns, houses,
workshops, and roads multiplied, anyone who wanted land would
find that little that other people did not already have a use for.
Land becomes personal property where someone uses land for some
purpose - as a workshop, as a farm - and where moving his activities
to another place results in some inconvenience.
The ground on which anyone stands is their property. But if
someone wishes to pass over the same spot, the cost of taking
a step or two back out of their way is a minor inconvenience.
Where a basketmaker sits down in some place, with a few reeds and
a knife, to make a few baskets, the ground on which he sits, and
on which his raw materials and finished products rest, are his property
while he is at work. When his work is finished, and he vacates the spot,
it reverts to being public property. During the time that he is at
work, if someone else wishes to uses that piece of ground, then the
cost to him of moving is not just of moving himself, but also his
raw materials, tools, works in progress, and finished products.
If the same basketmaker sets up a workbench, with a roof over it,
with numerous heavy tools for heating and bending wood, with a large
store of raw materials, and of finished products, and a roof over the
whole, then the cost to him of moving his business off one piece
of land may be very high.
It may take several days work, and interrupt his trade.
He will only move if he is forced to, or if he is recompensed in
some way.
The price of land is originally the trouble it takes to move to
another place. Land is property when anyone puts it to some use.
Land property acquires a price when the cost of moving from that
land becomes substantial.
Beaches, seats.
The nature of land property may be seen, speeded up, on any sunny
beach where families go to bathe and play and sun themselves. The beaches
are usually public property, and whoever arrives first stakes out a plot
on which to spread out mats or towels, erect sunshades, lay out food
and drink. These small areas of beach become temporary private property.
It is understood that nobody must walk across such properties, because they
might disturb the occupants or damage their contents.
As the beach fills, new arrivals find vacant spaces between the occupied
plots, fitting in as best they can. In order to create larger spaces, some
existing owners may be induced to move their plot a few feet. For the price
of some small gift or service, the owners of a plot might even be induced
to contract the size of their plot. As some people
leave, their plot is taken by whoever arrives first, or they may bequeath it
to friends. An elaborate system of paths between the plots becomes
established, and the owners of adjacent plots shrink their property to
avoid their possessions being trampled upon. Where the owner of a plot must
temporarily leave, he might ask and appoint a neighbour to defend his
property rights, preventing anyone from taking over. Come nightfall, as
everyone goes home, the entire elaborate township of beach plots and paths
disappears, to be recreated the next day.
Much the same applies to the occupation of seats in a theatre, or on a
train, or in a park. Whoever gets there first acquires property rights.
And they can dispose of these rights (giving away their seat to an elderly
man). And they can ask neighbours to "look after" their seat if they need
to temporarily vacate it.